How Srivastava Infiltrated Prabowo’s Family and Indonesia’s Elite - Magz TEMPO

Gaurav Srivastava “infiltrated” Prabowo Subianto’s family and Indonesia’s elite. He posed as a CIA agent.

THE journey that brought Niels Troost and Gaurav Srivastava to President Prabowo Subianto’s residence at the Garuda Yaksa estate in Hambalang, Bogor, West Java, went smoothly. Troost, a Dutch oil trader, still remembered the visit with his former business partner in mid-2022 to introduce himself to Prabowo, who was then Indonesia’s Defense Minister.

“It felt special because we were escorted by a special vehicle that helped us get through the traffic,” he told Tempo, recalling the trip in interviews conducted in January and February 2026.

During the drive to Hambalang, Srivastava told Troost that he frequently visited and stayed at the estate. He said Prabowo respected him because he had helped track down those responsible for the Bali bombings. He also claimed to have removed Prabowo’s name from the United States immigration blacklist after the Indonesian politician had spent 20 years barred from entering the US over alleged human rights violations committed while serving as Commander of the Indonesian Military’s (TNI) Special Forces Command during the New Order era.

Before arriving at the Garuda Yaksa compound, Srivastava told Troost that Prabowo had an unusual habit of allowing spider webs and insects to remain throughout the house. According to him, Prabowo believed spider webs should not be removed because they were part of nature and deserved respect.

Luhut Binsar Panjaitan (left), Joko Widodo, Gaurav Srivastava, and Prabowo Subianto at the Global Food Security Forum in Bali, November 2022. BPMI Setpres/Muchlis Jr.

Troost recalled that residents around Hambalang waved at him and Srivastava shortly before they reached Prabowo’s residence. Upon arriving at Garuda Yaksa, he saw Prabowo’s staff warmly welcoming Srivastava as if greeting an old acquaintance. Srivastava embraced several staff members while asking about them and their families. Looking around the compound, Troost noticed numerous spider webs, just as Srivastava had described.

Troost was astonished to see a giant wooden eagle statue in one of the waiting rooms at Garuda Yaksa. According to Srivastava, the statue symbolized Prabowo’s admiration for the United States and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). Srivastava claimed that he had given the statue to Prabowo as a gift. The Indian-born American businessman also told Troost that he was a CIA agent.

But the partnership between the two men did not last long. After their meeting in Indonesia, Troost and Srivastava parted ways in May the following year. The split stemmed from allegations that Srivastava fabricated a series of stories to extort tens of millions of dollars from Troost’s company, Paramount Energy & Commodities.

Troost then filed a lawsuit under the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (RICO) Act against Srivastava in a California court on January 21, 2026, accusing him of fraud, extortion, and a smear campaign. He amended the lawsuit in June 2026.

Troost accused Srivastava of being a con artist who masqueraded as an unofficial operative for a US foreign intelligence agency. Srivastava came under increasing scrutiny as allegations emerged that he had committed fraud in multiple countries.

Over the past five months, beginning in February 2026, Tempo and an independent journalist interviewed more than a dozen sources in Indonesia and abroad to trace Srivastava’s activities in Indonesia. The reporting team also examined documents, emails, photographs, court filings, and open-source materials.

During several visits to Indonesia, Troost became one of the eyewitnesses to how Srivastava gained access to the country’s top business figures and government officials.

NIELS Troost first met Gaurav Srivastava when the Dutch businessman’s company faced the threat of Western sanctions for trading Russian oil to the United States. Srivastava told Troost that he could shield the company from those sanctions. He also introduced himself as a CIA non-official cover operative.

Recordings of conversations submitted as part of Troost’s court complaint showed Srivastava claiming that he served as a non-official operative alongside Elon Musk and Warren Buffett. “I can reach eight senators in a day... and the President in the White House,” he said to Troost in a recording made in May 2023. “This isn’t a game. This is serious,” he added.

According to four sources, Srivastava also posed as a CIA agent while in Indonesia. A number of Indonesian officials and businesspeople came to know him as an intelligence operative. Many of them believed his story and were deceived.

The sources said Srivastava’s claims were easy to accept because he was an exceptionally persuasive speaker. His close relationships with former North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Supreme Allied Commander Gen. Wesley Clark, White House officials, and Prabowo Subianto reinforced his credibility. “He spoke to Prabowo the way you would speak to a friend,” one source said. “In my view, they had a very close relationship.”

Srivastava’s relationship with Prabowo extended beyond private meetings. At the Global Food Security Forum in Bali in November 2022, Srivastava introduced Prabowo as a true champion and an envoy of global peace and unity. He also referred to him as his dearest friend.

Hashim Djojohadikusumo attends the Global Food Security Forum, which was also attended by Gaurav Srivastava (third from left), in Bali, 2022. Atlantic Council

Prabowo responded by thanking him before joking, “I call him Mr. G because your last name is sometimes difficult to pronounce.” At the same event, Prabowo’s younger brother, Hashim Djojohadikusumo, also displayed gestures of respect toward Srivastava.

The relationship between Srivastava and Prabowo did not develop overnight. Based on information from several sources and Troost’s court documents, Srivastava arrived in Indonesia in mid-2020 aboard a Gulfstream jet from the United Kingdom.

Before Srivastava arrived in Indonesia, Sky Petroleum Chief Executive Officer (CEO) Karim Jobanputra asked one of his contacts in Indonesia to arrange a meeting between the American businessman and Prabowo at the Defense Ministry and deliver an invitation letter.

Karim did not respond to Tempo’s request for comment sent by email. Prabowo also did not respond to requests for comment regarding the contents of the invitation.

What is clear is that several months after receiving the letter from Srivastava, Prabowo traveled to Washington, D.C., in October 2020. The trip was significant for Prabowo as Defense Minister under President Joko Widodo, particularly after he had been barred from entering the United States for two decades.

In addition to meeting US Defense Secretary Mark Esper at the Pentagon to discuss Indonesia’s military modernization, Prabowo hosted a presentation for defense contractors at the St. Regis Hotel. The five-star hotel is located near the White House, the residence and workplace of the US president.

Two sources who attended the event said leading defense contractors presented their portfolios to Prabowo and his delegation, which included US diplomats and officials.

Throughout many of the sessions, Prabowo and Srivastava sat side by side. “After each contractor finished presenting its proposal, they immediately left the room. Then the doors opened again for the next presentation. The process repeated throughout the day,” one of the sources said.

Prabowo’s delegation and Srivastava also visited The Bombay Club, about a five-minute walk from the St. Regis Hotel. Their trip was briefly halted after they became caught in a Black Lives Matter demonstration outside the White House protesting the police killing of George Floyd.

No agreements were signed during the event at the luxury hotel. But discussions over defense procurement continued a month later in a telephone conversation between Christopher Miller, Esper’s successor, and Prabowo in November 2020.

Several weeks later, Miller flew to Jakarta. On December 7, 2020, he met Prabowo at the Defense Ministry. Miller was accompanied by Kash Patel, now Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), who was then serving as Miller’s Chief of Staff.

In addition, a photograph obtained by Tempo showed Prabowo, Miller, and Srivastava meeting at the Gerindra Party General Chair’s residence on Jalan Kertanegara in South Jakarta. Among the topics discussed at the meeting was the sale of US fighter jets to Indonesia.

State Secretary Prasetyo Hadi did not respond to Tempo’s interview request for Prabowo, which was sent via WhatsApp and email. In February and June 2026, Tempo also sent formal letters requesting an interview with Prabowo through the State Secretariat Ministry. As of publication, Prasetyo had not responded to those requests.

LESS than two weeks after Christopher Miller’s visit to Indonesia, the Defense Ministry issued three letters—two letters of agreement and one letter of intent—on December 22 and 23, 2020. Signed by Defense Procurement Agency Chief Air Marshal Yusuf Jauhari, the letters were addressed to three companies owned by Gaurav Srivastava: Orbimo Corporation, Constentis Corporation, and Zegasus Corporation. Yusuf did not respond to Tempo’s messages or interview requests sent to his personal cellphone.

To Orbimo Corporation, the Defense Ministry expressed its intention to purchase 30 UH-60 Black Hawk helicopters. Another letter stated the ministry’s intent to buy 36 F-15EX fighter jets, along with spare parts, maintenance, and related support, from Zegasus Corporation. Meanwhile, the letter sent to Constentis Corporation outlined the ministry’s plan to build a joint operations command-and-control center.

All three letters ended with the same note: “This letter of agreement constitutes a binding obligation relating to the procurement referred to herein.” Each letter also listed Miller and Heidi Grant, Director of the US Defense Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA), as recipients of carbon copies.

Miller told Tempo that he did not receive copies of those letters until several years after they had been issued. The same was true of Heidi Grant’s agency, which oversees US defense sales to security partners and prospective allies.

Miller said the US Defense Department officials who visited Indonesia had no involvement in the issuance of the documents. “We also did not request them from Indonesia’s Defense Ministry, either officially or unofficially,” he said on Friday, June 5, 2026.

However, Miller confirmed that Srivastava attended the meetings in Jakarta, which included discussions on the sale of US fighter jets. He added that Srivastava used those meetings to create the impression that he possessed influence and privileged access in order to profit from them.

“My assessment, based on my brief interaction with him during the meeting you mentioned, is that he was simply a fraudster, an outsider who lingered around these kinds of interactions and tried to exploit the appearance of access and influence for his own financial gain,” Miller said. “He looked like an ordinary con man.”

President Prabowo Subianto with Wesley Clark (third from right) and Gaurav Srivastava (second from right) during a meeting in Washington, D.C., United States, October 20, 2022. Embassy of Indonesia in Washington

Rico Sirait, Chief of the Defense Ministry’s Information Bureau, confirmed that the letters of intent existed. According to him, the documents were neither final decisions nor legally binding agreements. To date, he said, none of the ministry’s letters of intent with the three companies has resulted in an actual contract.

Rico claimed that all preliminary communications, including the issuance of letters of intent, were part of the routine exploratory process common in defense cooperation. “All of Indonesia’s defense cooperation and procurement processes are always carried out carefully, in accordance with the principles of good governance and the applicable procedures and regulations," he said on Monday, May 25, 2026.

Despite the ministry’s claim that its procurement process was handled carefully, Tempo’s review of documents related to the three companies suggested otherwise.

Orbimo and Zegasus were incorporated in the US state of Wyoming on the very same day the Defense Ministry issued its letters of intent. Given the 13-hour time difference between Jakarta and the United States, the companies were actually established only after the ministry had signed and issued the letters. Constentis, meanwhile, received its letter of intent to supply the joint operations command center just a few days after it was incorporated.

The three companies owned by Srivastava were little more than shell entities. Their corporate filings showed no revenue and no record of procuring sophisticated defense equipment. Moreover, by the time the letters of intent were issued, Srivastava already had a documented history of fraud and breach-of-contract disputes in court records.

Srivastava’s effort to secure contracts from the Defense Ministry appeared unstoppable. On July 7, 2021, Sky Petroleum Inc., a company listed in the United States, announced the launch of a joint venture with Srivastava called Unity Accipiter (UAC). Tempo’s investigation found that the company was actually incorporated as Unity Accipiter Corporation in Wyoming under the name of Sharon Srivastava, Srivastava’s wife.

Documents filed with the US Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) stated that UAC had received a “definitive purchase letter” from Indonesia’s Defense Ministry in March 2021 to supply refurbished UH-60 Black Hawk helicopters. The agreement, valued at US$480 million, included five years of maintenance.

Specifically, the helicopters requested by the Defense Ministry would be equipped with new engines, glass cockpits, and advanced avionics systems, along with a five-year maintenance, repair, and overhaul (MRO) program. The filing also stated that UAC would receive 85 percent of the profits, while Sastaro Limited, a Sky Petroleum subsidiary, would receive the remaining 15 percent.

In fact, Sastaro Limited had no experience maintaining defense equipment. The Sky Petroleum subsidiary was an oil and gas company.

The joint venture between Sky Petroleum CEO Karim Jobanputra and Srivastava was dissolved on February 1, 2023. The dissolution notice stated that the partnership ended by mutual agreement and that there had been no material business activity with Indonesia’s Defense Ministry.

Another finding from Tempo’s investigation showed that SEC filings identified UAC as a Delaware company. But Srivastava’s UAC was registered in Wyoming. A comprehensive search of Delaware’s corporate registry found no company named Unity Accipiter Corporation.

A source familiar with the arrangement said the agreement involving UAC was separate from the letter of intent concerning Black Hawk helicopters that the Defense Ministry had sent to another of Srivastava’s companies in December 2020. Had the contract materialized, however, it would have generated substantial profits.

On August 10, 2022, the US government approved the potential sale of 36 F-15ID fighter jets—a customized version of the F-15EX designed for Indonesia—in a deal worth US$13.9 billion. Most of that money would have gone to Boeing, the aircraft manufacturer.

Even so, one of Srivastava’s business associates said Srivastava was thrilled by the development because it promised enormous financial rewards. “He wanted to see that deal completed. It would have been a major achievement,” the associate said.

While strengthening his business prospects in Indonesia, Srivastava also cultivated political influence in Washington, D.C. He donated more than US$1 million to Democratic Party leaders and candidates in 2022 and 2023. He also managed to be photographed with President Joe Biden and then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi. The effort was intended to bolster his image as a man with extensive connections and influence in the United States.

Srivastava’s success in obtaining letters of intent in Indonesia did not end there. A photograph obtained by Tempo showed Srivastava, Prabowo Subianto, Yusuf Jauhari, and Dirgantara Indonesia CEO Gita Amperiawan standing before a white-and-gold marble table, with two pens and two sets of documents laid out for signing.

On July 22, 2022, Dirgantara Indonesia signed a general operation agreement with Srivastava’s UAC. The cooperation covered the maintenance, repair, and overhaul (MRO) of C-130 Hercules aircraft in a deal valued at US$150 million, or about Rp2.2 trillion at the exchange rate at the time.

Gita Amperiawan said the state-owned aerospace company later terminated its cooperation with UAC after the company failed the due diligence process. According to him, the agreement was only an exploratory one. Gita did not deny reports that UAC had serious problems, though he declined to elaborate on why the deal collapsed.

What is certain is that Dirgantara Indonesia ultimately assigned the Hercules MRO work to Garuda Maintenance Facility Aero Asia, a subsidiary of Garuda Indonesia. “We concluded that UAC was not strong enough. So we built synergies within the domestic ecosystem," Gita said.

GMF AeroAsia’s Corporate Communications & CSR division stated that the company supported Dirgantara Indonesia in carrying out the Center Wing Box Replacement on one C-130 aircraft. However, it said the support had no connection to any transfer of work from UAC. “There is no connection whatsoever,” GMF said in a written statement on Saturday, June 27, 2026.

WHILE pursuing defense contracts with Indonesia’s Defense Ministry, Gaurav Srivastava also cultivated a business relationship with Hashim Djojohadikusumo, Prabowo Subianto’s younger brother. In August 2022, through Harvest Commodities SA—a commodities trading company owned by Niels Troost—Srivastava struck a deal with the founder of the Arsari Group to transport 50,000 metric tons of corn feed from Ukraine to Indonesia through Comexindo International.

The agreement between Srivastava and Hashim was witnessed by Ukraine’s Ambassador to Indonesia, Vasyl Hamianin. Srivastava reportedly also offered Hamianin a business opportunity. When contacted by Tempo on Thursday, April 2, 2026, Hamianin declined to comment, including on the legal troubles Srivastava is now facing. He said Srivastava was neither his friend nor his business associate. “Ask the people who gave you that information,” he said.

The relationship between Srivastava and Hashim continued. In November 2022, Srivastava arranged for a transfer of US$51 million from Paramount Energy and Commodities DMCC (PDMCC)—a company owned by Niels Troost in Dubai, United Arab Emirates—to the Arsari Group, claiming the funds would finance covert CIA operations and renewable energy investments. Srivastava and his team coordinated with Arsari executives to complete the transaction.

A month later, on December 2, PDMCC transferred US$51 million to Arsari Pradana Utama. In the company, which was established in December 2021, Hashim served as CEO and majority shareholder.

Transaction documents obtained by Tempo showed that Rp755 billion was deposited into Arsari Pradana Utama’s account at Bank Bukopin, while another Rp30.8 billion was transferred to an account at Bank Mandiri, both recorded as working capital. Bank Bukopin has since been renamed KB Bank.

Komala Sari, Head of Corporate Communications and Government Affairs at KB Bank Indonesia, declined to comment on the activity in Arsari Group’s accounts. She said KB Bank adheres to prudent banking principles and complies with all applicable regulations. “KB Bank is committed to protecting customer confidentiality and data security,” she said on Monday, April 20, 2026.

What is clear is that the transaction has now become one of the issues disputed by Troost, who alleges that Srivastava defrauded him. One week after the transfer, US$25 million was sent back to Srivastava to purchase a luxury home in the United States worth US$24.5 million.

WhatsApp messages and emails between Srivastava’s legal team and Maria Foley, an Arsari executive, showed both sides attempting to find ways to avoid raising suspicions among bank officials. Maria explicitly suggested describing the transfer as an equity investment to avoid banking regulations.

Srivastava’s legal team proposed sending the money directly to Birdsong Central LLC, one of Srivastava’s affiliated companies registered in Delaware, through promissory notes structured as two US$10 million loans and one US$5 million loan.

Maria rejected the proposal, saying bank officials would not approve it. Instead, she suggested routing the transfer through New Kapital Limited, a British Virgin Islands entity affiliated with the Arsari Group.

Before the transaction took place, Srivastava’s legal team asked New Kapital Limited to grant power of attorney to the law firm Karlin & Peebles, LLP Attorneys at Law. The arrangement was intended to make the transfer appear as the repayment of a loan still affiliated with the Arsari Group.

On December 28, 2022, Arsari Pradana Utama successfully transferred US$25 million to Karlin & Peebles through an Interest on Lawyers’ Trust Account (IOLTA), routing the payment from Bank Mandiri to First Republic Bank with the notation “NKL Repayment.”

The money was then immediately transferred to Birdsong Central LLC to purchase a luxury residence for Srivastava at 14180 W. Sunset Blvd. in the Pacific Palisades neighborhood of Los Angeles, California. Birdsong transferred ownership of the property to Srivastava through Aurora Point LLC on January 5, 2023. Aurora Point LLC was incorporated in Delaware on October 12, 2022, and is owned by the Srivastava family.

After completing the first transaction, Srivastava’s team sought to obtain the remaining US$26 million. From February through September 2023, the team repeatedly pressed Arsari, offering different justifications each time. The requests intensified after Troost dismissed Srivastava from PDMCC in May 2023.

In one exchange, Srivastava’s attorney asked Arsari to transfer funds as payment for consulting services that Srivastava allegedly provided to Hashim in 2018. The attorney also offered personal guarantees from Srivastava and Sharon as lenders, with Arsari designated as the borrower responsible for repaying the money.

Srivastava’s attorney also requested that the funds be transferred to Echo Grove LLC, another company affiliated with Srivastava. Maria sought clarification about the relationship between PDMCC and Echo Grove, while noting that any transfer would automatically reduce the outstanding debt created in December 2022.

Undeterred, Srivastava’s legal team drafted a novation agreement restructuring the debt. The document stated that Arsari’s US$51 million loan from PDMCC would be assigned to Cedar West Ventures LLC, another Srivastava-affiliated company. Under the proposal, the remaining US$26 million would be paid in monthly installments of US$2 million from September 30, 2023, through September 30, 2024.

Frustrated by what they saw as Arsari’s lack of response, Srivastava and former CIA Station Chief John Maguire, whom Srivastava had recruited, threatened to accuse Hashim and the Arsari Group of financing terrorism, an allegation they claimed could damage Prabowo’s electoral prospects in the 2024 presidential election. To this day, the fate of the remaining US$26 million held by the Arsari Group remains unknown.

Before Troost fired Srivastava, Paramount had hired a private investigator, Jonas Rey, who is also Director of Athena Intelligence, to investigate Srivastava’s background.

Rey found that Srivastava, now 33, had a history of fraud and forgery. He said he was puzzled by how Srivastava managed to convince former CIA officers and senior generals with fabricated stories about being an intelligence operative. “Then we saw the enormous political donations he had made to elected officials across the United States, and suddenly everything made sense. He bought access on a scale I had rarely seen,” Rey said.

A Paramount spokesperson, who requested anonymity, described Srivastava as a master con artist who should be held accountable for the losses he caused. Paramount also hopes the Arsari Group will return the remaining funds. “We believe Arsari’s management will fulfill its obligation to return the remaining stolen funds,” the spokesperson said.

After reviewing the evidence and documents, Kush Amin, an attorney specializing in anti-corruption and anti-money laundering, said Srivastava should be held accountable for committing fraud in Indonesia, particularly for using Troost’s company funds to purchase a home in California.

“If he committed the underlying criminal offense, then he must also be held responsible for laundering the proceeds of that fraud from Indonesia. If those funds are linked to the ownership of the California house, he should also be liable for laundering money into the United States,” said the former legal specialist at Transparency International.

Hashim Djojohadikusumo did not respond to an interview request sent to the Arsari Group’s office on February 19, 2026. Aryo Djojohadikusumo, Deputy Director and Chief Operating Officer of the Arsari Group, also declined to comment and referred Tempo to Ariseno Ridhwan, spokesperson for both the Arsari Group and Hashim. Ariseno did not respond to letters or messages sent to his personal mobile phone from February through the publication of this report.

When approached at the Environment Ministry on April 29, 2026, Hashim declined to comment on Arsari’s involvement in the case surrounding Srivastava. “I don’t want to discuss that,” he said.

Srivastava also did not respond to questions sent to the email address listed on his personal website or to two public relations firms that had previously represented him. On his YouTube podcast, Srivastava described Troost’s account as “a big lie.”

In comments to the Financial Times, Srivastava claimed he had never presented himself as a CIA agent and suggested that recordings held by Troost had been fabricated by foreign actors. He also denied reports that the US$25 million he received from Paramount’s loan to Arsari came from a company owned by Hashim.

Meanwhile, Ivan Yustiavandana, Head of Indonesia’s Financial Transaction Reports and Analysis Center (PPATK), said the agency was investigating the transaction together with its counterparts in other countries. According to Ivan, the PPATK reviews any matter that attracts public attention when suspicious activity has been flagged by the financial industry.

He said his team would submit its findings to law enforcement authorities if it uncovered evidence of money laundering in the transaction. “We are still waiting for a complete response from our counterparts overseas,” Ivan said on Tuesday, June 23, 2026. “We continue to coordinate with them,” he added.

With the legal case unfolding in California, Srivastava’s image as a CIA operative has begun to collapse. People have started distancing themselves from him. In the United States, former President Joe Biden returned donations from Srivastava after the story of the fake spy began to unravel.

As the Democratic Party distanced itself from him, Srivastava shifted toward the Republican Party, embracing the “America First” message championed by President Donald Trump. Since June 2025, he has appeared on conservative podcasts, delivered a speech at a political convention in Las Vegas, and posted a photograph of himself with Vice President James David Vance in June 2025.

Troost’s lawsuit in California, amended in June 2026, also revealed that Srivastava donated US$2 million to the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts, the cultural institution in Washington, D.C., now managed by Trump. The lawsuit noted that the center was at one point renamed The Donald J. Trump and The John F. Kennedy Memorial Center for the Performing Arts, a move that sparked controversy because it violated the institution’s governing rules.

Dirgantara Indonesia CEO Gita Amperiawan said he was relieved that the state-owned aerospace company did not proceed with its partnership with Srivastava’s company.

Defense industry sources in Indonesia said they were shocked when the alleged fraud came to light. Four Indonesian sources who knew Srivastava admitted they initially believed his claims of being a CIA officer, even though they also noticed numerous inconsistencies during their interactions with “Mr. G.”

Several of Srivastava’s business associates also said they felt they had been used to advance his personal interests.

What remains a mystery is the position of Prabowo Subianto and Hashim Djojohadikusumo. In the past, both appeared to believe many of Srivastava’s claims. As of the publication of this report, Tempo had not received a response from either of them.